Has anyone been following this situation with Tony Blair and the inquiry into the Iraq war?
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The former Prime Minister will spend the entire day being questioned by Sir John Chilcot and the inquiry panel on what is likely to be a day of high drama at the Queen Elizabeth II Conference Centre in Westminister.
Interest in Mr Blair's appearance has been so high that the inquiry has had to organise a ballot to allocate the 40 seats in the public gallery of the inquiry room, with a separate ballot for 20 seats set aside for relatives of those who died in the conflict.
In what promises to be the most explosive week of the inquiry so far, the former Attorney General, Lord Goldsmith, will give evidence on January 27, when he will be asked what made him change his stance on the legality of the war.
In 2002 Lord Goldsmith had told Mr Blair military action would not be legally justified without a second UN resolution against Saddam Hussein, but by the time the conflict started in March 2003 he had declared it legal.
Mr Blair denied in a recent TV interview that he had "bullied" Lord Goldsmith into giving his blessing to the invasion.
Two former defence secretaries, Des Browne and John Hutton, will give evidence on January 25 and Margaret Beckett, the former Foreign Secretary, will be questioned on January 26.
One of the key questions which the inquiry must answer is whether Mr Blair misled parliament over the reasons for going to war before it narrowly voted in favour of military action.
Several witnesses, including the former Cabinet Secretary, Lord Turnbull, have suggested that Mr Blair was intent on regime chance in Iraq from the spring of 2002 onwards, and used Saddam's supposed stockpile of weapons of mass destruction as a smokescreen to justify military action.
Mr Blair will also be questioned intensively on why he claimed intelligence had "proved beyond doubt" that Saddam had weapons of mass destruction when some witnesses have said the facts suggested otherwise.
Jonathan Powell, who was Mr Blair's chief of staff in Downing Street, will give evidence this afternoon.
Source: The Telegraph
Also, an interesting read from The Economist;
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There have already been so many inquiries into the Iraq war (including one in the Netherlands that this week judged the invasion to have been illegal), and it was all so long ago, that many people thought the latest British probe, under Sir John Chilcot, would prove pointless. In fact it has already been informative, not least because some of the soldiers, spooks and diplomats who have given evidence have grown franker since retirement. On January 12th Sir John’s panel questioned Alastair Campbell, formerly the government’s main spin doctor. His testimony was a telling rehearsal for the imminent appearance of the star witness: his old boss, Tony Blair.
Despite his nominal job description, Mr Campbell helped to construct and purvey the controversial case for war. “Nobody was really saying that Saddam Hussein did not have weapons of mass destruction [WMD],” he observed this week. That is true. Saddam’s record of making and using such weapons, the hunches of UN inspectors and the fact that the dictator continued to frustrate them and act guilty until the very end all made it seem that he still retained some WMD.
But there are weapons and there are weapons. The nuclear kind is by far the most terrifying; and the evidence presented by Britain and America that Saddam was actively and rapidly pursuing a nuke has come to seem especially dodgy. When they question Mr Blair about WMD, Sir John and his colleagues should concentrate on nuclear weapons—and in particular on the government’s assertion that Saddam might develop one “in between one and two years”. These nuclear allegations, which helped Mr Blair call the threat from Iraq “serious and current”, need further probing.
A second focus should be on how raw intelligence was changed. Mr Blair described as “extensive, detailed and authoritative” intelligence that was, in fact, patchy and old; he described conclusions that were speculative as “beyond doubt”. At the inquiry, Mr Campbell drew a distinction between shifting lines and paragraphs in dossiers and actually fabricating intelligence. Again, fair enough; and it would be futile for the inquiry to try to prove outright lying in Mr Blair’s statements about WMD. Their focus should be subtler: on his government’s negligent approach to the sources of its claims, its failure to confess uncertainty and its urge to overstate.
There is also a string of outstanding questions about the conduct and aftermath of the war. For instance, why did some British troops seem not to have been fully equipped for the task? Indeed, why did the Treasury, overseen by the man who was then chancellor of the exchequer, Gordon Brown, fail to put its money where Mr Blair’s mouth was? (Mr Brown himself has dubiously been excused from testifying until after Britain’s pending general election.) Another concern is the increasingly vexed issue of when, precisely, Mr Blair committed British forces to the invasion—and whether he simultaneously said different things to George Bush and the British public. And why did he enter the war without much assurance that the Americans had a plan for post-war reconstruction?
These worries have not arisen because of a petty dispute between Mr Blair and his critics in the media—as Mr Campbell seemed to argue at the inquiry this week. They are important because Saddam turned out not to have any WMD, and because the post-war occupation of Iraq has been disastrous (and for Britain, militarily humiliating). And they are not merely historical curiosities. The unravelling of the case for war, and the calamities of its aftermath, have discredited politicians in the eyes of many Britons, and may inhibit the country’s future foreign policy, not to mention the cost in blood and treasure. Mr Blair’s turn at the inquiry may be the last, best chance to explain those mistakes and allay some of the anger they provoked—if he is asked the right questions.